Stability and Selective Rewiring in the Turkish Constitutional Court (1962–2024): A Diachronic Analysis Using Contextual Word Embeddings
UNDER REVIEWArtificial Intelligence and Law
Applies a domain-specific legal BERT model to 5,441 Turkish Constitutional Court decisions, tracking sixteen constitutional concepts across six periods demarcated by institutional ruptures. The dominant pattern is stability: most concepts hold their semantic positions through coups, constitutional replacements and regime change. Change is selective — only secularism shows dramatic relational rewiring, concentrated after 1997 — and new concepts such as proportionality enter by emergence rather than transformation. The first large-scale evidence of conceptual resilience in constitutional adjudication.
Selective Noncompliance: Constitutional Court Judgments and Ordinary Court Resistance in Turkey
UNDER REVIEWInternational Journal of Constitutional Law
Develops the concept of selective noncompliance: ordinary courts routinely implement constitutional court decisions while systematically refusing them in a small, politically concentrated set of cases — in Turkey since 2018, fourteen of sixteen confirmed refusals involve opposition politicians, journalists or politically sensitive defendants. A competing-principals mechanism explains the pattern: judges answer in law to a constitutional court that cannot sanction, and in practice to an executive-aligned career authority that controls their advancement — autocratic legalism from below.
When Parliaments Stop Discussing Policy: Speech Composition under Personalist Executive Dominance in Turkey, 2002–2025
UNDER REVIEWEuropean Journal of Political Research
What do legislators do with the floor once parliament can no longer shape policy? Analysing 363,049 plenary speeches from the Turkish Grand National Assembly with corpus-driven dictionaries and legislator fixed effects: within the same legislators, legislative specificity falls by nearly forty percent, confrontation triples across both blocs, and symbolic-majoritarian rhetoric nearly triples only among governing-party legislators. Structural-break tests place the shift in the 2013–2016 collapse of parliamentary leverage — not the 2018 constitutional change.